Dave Smith

Dave Smith · 35,707 词 · 查看原文 ↗
政治与社会历史与文明音乐与艺术心理与人性技术与编程
📋 章节目录
0:00 Episode highlight · 剧集亮点
1:26 Introduction · 介绍
1:45 Libertarianism · 自由主义
3:00 Ron Paul · 罗恩·保罗
6:13 Military–industrial complex · 军工综合体
13:06 War on Terror · 反恐战争
25:25 China and Taiwan · 中国和台湾
33:13 Just war theory · 正义战争论
40:22 Israel and Gaza · 以色列和加沙
57:49 Douglas Murray · 道格拉斯·默里
1:05:42 Hamas · 哈马斯
1:22:01 Hitler and Stalin · 希特勒和斯大林
1:24:15 Darryl Cooper · 达里尔·库珀
1:33:27 Antisemitism · 反犹太主义
1:47:00 World leaders · 世界领导人
1:59:34 Jeffrey Epstein · 杰弗里·爱泼斯坦
2:07:37 Sam Harris · 萨姆·哈里斯
2:20:21 Ukraine and Russia · 乌克兰和俄罗斯
2:39:46 Joe Rogan · 乔·罗根
2:52:15 Conspiracy theories · 阴谋论
🔑 关键词
goingdavesmithwardonguysayingisraelgotdoingtalkingsaidhumansuregovernmenthamasmilitarytrumpwholeleast
💬 精彩语录
"And so there’s just little things like that where if you’re being sloppy and you already really want this conclusion, I see where you could see these things as evidence, but if you’re just being a little … if you’re critically thinking about them, it’s actually … it’s not as strong a case as you think it is. Again, I’ll speculate every now and again on things, but I like to take on something where I feel like I can prove this case. I really have enough evidence that I think I can prove this. I think I can prove that the neocons didn’t invade Iraq because they were worried about weapons of mass destruction and they actually had this agenda for at least a decade before the war broke out. There’s strong tangible evidence for that."
所以,在一些小事情上,如果你很草率,而且你已经非常想要这个结论,我知道你可以在哪里将这些事情视为证据,但如果你只是有点......如果你批判性地思考它们,它实际上......它并不像你想象的那么有力。再说一次,我会时不时地推测一些事情,但我喜欢承担一些我觉得我可以证明这一点的事情。我确实有足够的证据,我想我可以证明这一点。我想我可以证明新保守派入侵伊拉克并不是因为他们担心大规模杀伤性武器,而且他们实际上在战争爆发前至少十年就已经制定了这一议程。有强有力的切实证据证明这一点。
— Dave Smith (02:55:31)
"And that should be the standard, because there’s so many other standards that I see thrown out that I just think make no moral sense at all. People will argue about in Gaza, they’ll argue about the civilian to combatant ratio, that to me doesn’t really… That’s not what counts. That’s not the measure that’s important. And also no one knows what the numbers are. They’re all just pretend to. And then the other thing will be that people, as someone just recently argued with me about, they’ll say, “Well, Hamas has to go. That’s the starting point. Hamas has to go.” And I’m like, “No, I don’t think you get to say that, because the truth is that…”"
这应该是标准,因为我看到有很多其他标准被抛弃了,我认为这些标准根本没有道德意义。人们会在加沙争论,他们会争论平民与战斗人员的比例,对我来说这并不是真的......这不是重要的。这不是重要的措施。而且没有人知道这些数字是多少。他们都只是假装。然后另一件事是,人们,正如最近有人与我争论的那样,他们会说,“好吧,哈马斯必须下台。这就是起点。哈马斯必须下台。”我想,“不,我认为你不能这么说,因为事实是……”
— Dave Smith (00:38:35)
"They just, from the top down, were able to create this feeling that like, “Hey, there’s a new Adolf Hitler on the rise over here in Iraq. We got to go see about this. There are these poor people in Kuwait, we have to do that.” They were able to create this desire for war. It’s really incredible when you think about it, because I think for the most part in human history, you would’ve had to have some type of plausible threat, some type of plausible reality to convince people that we actually have to go to war in order to deal with this. Whereas the idea that in 1991, the United States of America would feel threatened by Iraq was just ridiculous. And yet they were able to do it."
他们只是从上到下营造出这样的感觉,“嘿,伊拉克这里正在崛起一个新的阿道夫·希特勒。我们必须去看看这个。科威特有这些穷人,我们必须这样做。”他们能够创造这种对战争的渴望。当你想到这一点时,这真的令人难以置信,因为我认为在人类历史的大部分时间里,你必须有某种看似合理的威胁,某种合理的现实来说服人们我们实际上必须发动战争才能解决这个问题。然而,在 1991 年,美利坚合众国会感受到伊拉克的威胁的想法简直是荒谬的。但他们还是做到了。
— Dave Smith (00:22:36)
"You make a fair point. It’s certainly true that throughout human history, there’s been overt empire building and wars of conquest and things like that. But I guess I’m just saying at least even there, you would have some type of sell of why we’re going to go take these resources and why that will be good for us. Whereas the idea that Kuwait just needed to be defended by the Americans seems so, it seems so hard to convince anybody, and yet they were able to do it. If you read Neocon writing in the ’90s, it was very interesting because they would tell the truth a lot more. Essentially, I think there was the Soviet Union had just collapsed."
你说得有道理。毫无疑问,在整个人类历史上,确实存在过公开的帝国建设和征服战争等等。但我想我只是说,至少即使在那里,你也会有某种类型的销售,说明为什么我们要获取这些资源以及为什么这对我们有好处。尽管科威特只需要美国人来保卫的想法似乎如此,但似乎很难说服任何人,但他们却做到了。如果你读过 20 世纪 90 年代新保守派的作品,你会发现它非常有趣,因为他们会说更多的实话。本质上,我认为苏联刚刚解体。
— Dave Smith (00:23:49)
"I think it’s sickening and incredibly disturbing. I guess the way I look at it… I always, and maybe there is a degree of naivete to this, or perhaps it’s just that I just don’t want to allow myself to go down a certain path because I think it leads to such dark outcomes, but I always try to be against the government for the people, against the powerful sympathetic to the powerless. I think that… Look, it’s sickening. You see big crowds cheering on people with these people who have been in captivity for… I think some of them for over a year and a half."
我认为这令人恶心且令人难以置信。我想我看待它的方式......我总是,也许这有一定程度的天真,或者也许只是我不想让自己走上某条路,因为我认为这会导致如此黑暗的结果,但我总是试图反对政府为人民,反对强权同情弱者。我认为……看,这令人作呕。你会看到一大群人为人们欢呼,这些人已经被囚禁了……我想其中一些人已经被囚禁了一年半以上。
— Dave Smith (01:00:04)
🎙️ 完整对话(450 条)
Lex Fridman (00:00:00)
All the people who sold the war in Iraq, they lied us into war after a war. They’ve bankrupted the country, damn near destroyed the dollar and no one loses their job. No one even gets in trouble over any of this. If you make everybody monsters and they’re not human beings, well, you can’t do diplomacy with monsters, you can’t negotiate with monsters, but you can with humans. Maybe there are times where you shouldn’t negotiate or you can’t negotiate with humans, but it’s better if you can. And we could use a lot more of that thinking. Donald Trump has put a lot of political capital chips into the middle of the table that, “I can end this war.” And he’s going to look very, very bad if he can’t.
所有在伊拉克出卖战争的人,他们在一场战争之后欺骗我们进入战争。他们让国家破产,几乎摧毁了美元,但没有人失去工作。甚至没有人会因此而陷入麻烦。如果你把每个人都变成怪物而不是人类,那么你就不能与怪物进行外交,你不能与怪物谈判,但你可以与人类。也许有的时候
Lex Fridman (00:00:44)
So he’s very highly incentivized to get this thing done as quick as possible. You are fighting in a way that produces more of the thing that you’re fighting, and so the first step is to stop doing that. Your cure is making the patient more sick. So stop doing that. And then let’s see if maybe we could heal. Where are the tapes? Why is everyone talking about the flight logs and the files? Where are the tapes? This guy was clearly taping people to blackmail them. Why does anything need to be redacted for national security? I’m sorry. You’re telling me there’s a pedophile ring and we can’t tell you everything about it for national security? Why would that be related to national security?
所以他非常有动力尽快完成这件事。你的战斗方式会产生更多你正在战斗的东西,所以第一步就是停止这样做。你的治疗方法正在使病人病情加重。所以别再这样做了。然后让我们看看是否可以治愈。磁带在哪里?为什么每个人都在谈论飞行日志和文件?在哪里
Lex Fridman (00:01:26)
The following is a conversation with Dave Smith, an outspoken and at times controversial anti-war libertarian comedian and podcast host. This is the Lex Fridman podcast to support it. Please check on our sponsors in the description. And now, dear friends, here’s Dave Smith.
以下是与戴夫·史密斯的对话,戴夫·史密斯是一位直言不讳、时常引起争议的反战自由主义喜剧演员和播客主持人。这是 Lex Fridman 播客来支持它。请在说明中查看我们的赞助商。现在,亲爱的朋友们,这是戴夫·史密斯。
Lex Fridman (00:01:45)
You are a longtime libertarian, perhaps an anarcho-capitalist. We can talk about that. Can you explain the different variants, flavors of libertarianism and where you stand among those variants?
你是一个长期的自由主义者,也许是一个无政府资本主义者。我们可以谈谈这个。您能解释一下自由主义的不同变体、风格以及您在这些变体中的立场吗?
Lex Fridman (00:02:00)
Yeah, so there’s almost like with left-wing schools of thought or right-wing schools of thought, there’s many different camps and different thinkers. And so within the kind of broader theme of libertarianism, there was a lot of influence from people like Ayn Rand, Milton Friedman, Thomas Sowell. Those were I think some of the more mainstream figures. And then there’s the Ron Paul round of Libertarianism, which is kind of distinct from that other camp where they’re much more of an emphasis on foreign policy. All of them kind of fall into the radical minarchist points of view. And then there’s Rothbard, anarcho-capitalist. And there’s also David Friedman who’s an anarcho-capitalist, but from a completely different perspective than Murray Rothbard. I would probably be most closely with the Rothbard School, which is very similar to Ron Paul. But even maybe a little bit further in that, the very little bit of government that Ron Paul might support.
是的,所以几乎就像左翼思想流派或右翼思想流派一样,有许多不同的阵营和不同的思想家。因此,在更广泛的自由主义主题中,艾因·兰德、米尔顿·弗里德曼、托马斯·索威尔等人的影响很大。我认为这些是一些更主流的人物。然后是 Libertar 的 Ron Paul 回合
Lex Fridman (00:03:00)
You’ve been a big fan of Ron Paul. Can you explain what you admire about him?
你一直是罗恩·保罗的忠实粉丝。你能解释一下你欣赏他的什么地方吗?
Dave Smith (00:03:04)
A big fan is an understatement. I think Ron Paul is the greatest living American hero. I revere him on the level of the founding fathers, Thomas Jefferson or George Washington, number one. I mean all of the major issues that he was correct in his understanding of them, his diagnosis of what caused these problems and his solutions. And in hindsight, there’s just a million different examples of where almost everybody today would agree, even though his ideas were very controversial at the time, it’d be like, “Oh my God, if we had just listened to Ron Paul about that, we’d be so much better off.” But I think there’s something almost deeper than that about why Ron Paul inspires so much love from so many people is okay, so number one, the guy, he was a champion of these views for decades when there was no payoff for it at all. Where he was just kind of alone in the woods, they used to call him Dr No because he was a medical doctor.
一个大粉丝是轻描淡写的。我认为罗恩·保罗是当今最伟大的美国英雄。我对他的尊敬相当于开国元勋托马斯·杰斐逊或第一号乔治·华盛顿的水平。我的意思是,他对所有重大问题的理解、对导致这些问题的原因的诊断以及他的解决方案都是正确的。事后看来,只有一百万个不同的例子
Lex Fridman (00:04:12)
And then he would be the lone no vote in Congress all the time, on the bills that the entire Congress, bipartisan agreement, everything, and there’s one vote against it. And that he would be that guy. He clearly kept doing what he was doing simply because he believed it was right, not because there was any benefit for him. In fact, he dealt with a lot of headaches for the views that he had. And then he was just a genuine person of integrity. He’s the only congressman who I’ve ever heard this about. And DC insiders, people on the hill will say this. He was the only congressman of my lifetime who the lobbyists simply stopped visiting. He was the only one who, they just stopped going to his office because they were just like, “There’s just no getting through to this guy.” He was just not playing politics like that.
然后他将一直是国会中唯一一个对整个国会的法案、两党协议、一切都投反对票的人,只有一票反对。他就是那个人。他显然继续做他正在做的事情只是因为他相信这是对的,而不是因为对他有任何好处。事实上,他因为自己的观点而遇到了很多麻烦。还有那
Lex Fridman (00:05:00)
And you imagine what it must’ve been like from the lobbyist perspective when they first tried to go there and they’d be like, “All right, listen, we really need you to vote yes on this or that.” And he was like, “The constitution doesn’t authorize us to do that.” And they’re like, “What? Who in this town even talks like that?” I’ve met him many times at this point, and he is just genuinely, he’s like one of those guys who’s just from an older, better generation. He’s the sweetest guy, but he’s not a pushover. He was a tough guy in his day, and he was an athlete and he was in the Air Force and is married to the same woman for I think over 60 years at this point, has a big beautiful family. He was a country doctor. He was a baby doctor who delivered thousands of babies. He’s like this kind of classic American figure. And I just think at the risk of falling into hero worship or something like that, I do think he’s a genuinely great man, and I think great men are to be revered. Military–industrial complex
你可以想象,从说客的角度来看,当他们第一次尝试去那里时,他们会说,“好吧,听着,我们真的需要你对这个或那个投赞成票。”他说,“宪法没有授权我们这样做。”他们会说,“什么?这个镇上谁会这样说话?”我已经见过他很多次了,他真的,他是我
Lex Fridman (00:06:10)
Yeah, as you said, there’s integrity there. Can you speak to the ideas that Ron Paul represents? He says some of the things he’s been right about. Maybe can you speak about the economics, the Fed, and maybe war and being anti-military intervention?
是的,正如你所说,那里有诚信。您能谈谈罗恩·保罗所代表的想法吗?他说了一些他认为是正确的事情。也许你能谈谈经济、美联储,也许还有战争和反军事干预?
Dave Smith (00:06:23)
Well, I think it all came from the same central thesis, which is that the highest political value ought to be liberty. And that the government, by its very nature, is an instrument of force and tyranny. And therefore, the more government you have, the less liberty you have. I think he was way ahead of his time in really calling out the corruption in DC and I think that’s one of the things, it’s a common through line between the Federal Reserve and government spending, and of course this crazy war industry that our country has. So there’s a lot of components to that. But essentially Ron Paul was talking about draining the swamp way before it was this dominate mass message. And I think Ron Paul in many ways he laid the groundwork in his 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns. Not saying that he leads to Donald Trump, but he laid the groundwork for Donald Trump to be able to get up at the South Carolina Republican primary debate and look at Jeb Bush and say, “Your brother lied us into war.”
嗯,我认为这一切都来自同一个中心论点,那就是最高的政治价值应该是自由。就其本质而言,政府是武力和暴政的工具。因此,政府越多,自由就越少。我认为他在真正谴责华盛顿特区的腐败方面远远领先于他的时代,我认为这是其中一件事,这是一个
Dave Smith (00:07:43)
You know what I mean? And to have the Republicans agree with him. These were a lot of the same people who had voted for George W. Bush twice and supported the war and even mocked their liberal fellow countrymen for not being on board with it. And a lot of that was the work that Ron Paul did and people waking up to how messed up all these wars were. And I think that at least there were a couple of major things for me at the time. So I was a young man when I first found Ron Paul, it was in 2007 was when I first saw him, and then started obsessively reading all of his books. So I was young, born in ’83. So what did that mean? 23, 24 when I first met him. So I was a young guy, and at least for me at the time, there were two categories in my naive mind where, okay, there were the liberals who supported big government at home, but were skeptical about big government abroad or they’re skeptical about wars.
你知道我的意思?并让共和党人同意他的观点。这些人中有很多人曾两次投票支持乔治·W·布什,支持战争,甚至嘲笑他们的自由派同胞不参与战争。其中很多都是罗恩·保罗所做的工作,人们开始意识到所有这些战争是多么混乱。我认为至少有一些
Lex Fridman (00:08:49)
And then there were the conservatives who said that they supported small government, limited government at home, but were always on the side of whatever the next war is. And at least for me, and I think for a lot of people of my generation, Ron Paul was the first guy who came along and said, no, I’m for limited government here and abroad. And it was kind of like a portal where you could access a different perspective on the world. And then once you saw that, you were like, “Wait, that’s actually what makes sense.” What is it exactly that all the Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush, and even Milton Friedman and guys like that, and Thomas Sowell, and it’s like you want a constitutionally limited world empire? That’s what you guys stand for, because that doesn’t fit together at all. And so why is it that we were taking this as a given?
还有一些保守派人士表示,他们支持小政府、国内有限政府,但无论下一场战争是什么,他们总是站在一边。至少对我来说,我认为对我这一代的很多人来说,罗恩·保罗是第一个站出来说“不,我支持国内外实行有限政府”的人。它有点像一个门户网站,您可以在其中访问d
Lex Fridman (00:09:38)
And then of course, the more you look into it, you realize that, okay, those two things do make sense together. And then also that in the initial wave of the original progressives, people like Woodrow Wilson or FDR, these were people who were pushing big government at home and big government abroad. And that actually made much more sense as a cohesive worldview. And to oppose that would be the Ron Paul worldview. And then the other thing for me, and this was my introduction to Ron Paul, and this too, to me was kind of a portal in a way. At least in my naive, not fully functioned brain or fully developed brain at 24 years old or whatever, it was a way for me to get, I tapped into something that was outside the empire, and I had heard a lot.
当然,你越深入地研究它,你就会意识到,好吧,这两件事在一起确实有意义。然后,在最初的进步派浪潮中,像伍德罗·威尔逊或罗斯福这样的人,这些人在国内推动大政府,在国外推动大政府。作为一种有凝聚力的世界观,这实际上更有意义。反对的是罗恩
Dave Smith (00:10:31)
I was already against George W. Bush, and I didn’t like the war. I had already figured out, I think this war in Iraq is bullshit. And I think that we were lied into it. And so I kind of got that. And then there were liberals and left-wingers who I knew. I grew up in New York City, so I was very familiar with the left-wing perspective who are critical of George W. Bush for fighting the war and signing the Patriot Act into law and things like that. But I had never really heard anybody break it down the way Ron Paul did when he basically was like, “Look, there’s a reason why these terrorists hate us, and it’s not what they’re telling you. They don’t hate us for our freedom.” I remember the way Pat Buchanan put it, which I always loved, he said, “Dick Cheney makes it sound like Osama bin Laden stumbled in the deserts of Afghanistan. He stumbled onto a copy of our Bill of Rights somewhere.”
我本来就反对乔治·W·布什,而且我不喜欢战争。我已经想通了,我认为这场伊拉克战争是胡说八道。我认为我们被骗了。所以我有点明白了。然后还有我认识的自由主义者和左翼分子。我在纽约长大,所以我非常熟悉左翼观点,他们批评乔治·W·布什的战争和签名
Lex Fridman (00:11:27)
And he was like, “Oh my God, they’re free. Look at this speedy trial. Are you kidding me? What is going on here? They can own guns and their women can wear mini skirts.” And that just made people so angry that they were ready to suicide bomb themselves. That makes no sense at all. And then Ron Paul was just like, “No, look, here’s the thing. If we think we can just go around the world killing people, propping up dictatorships, putting our military bases in the Muslims holy land and not engender hatred from that, then we do that at our own peril.” And I thought it was such an interesting kind of… it had always been, I’m an ’80s and ’90s kid, and to me it was always a given that America’s number one we’re the force for good in the world.
他说,“天哪,他们是自由的。看看这个快速的审判。你在开玩笑吗?这里发生了什么事?他们可以拥有枪支,他们的女人可以穿迷你裙。”这让人们非常愤怒,他们准备自杀式炸弹袭击自己。这完全没有意义。然后罗恩·保罗就说,“不,看,事情是这样的。如果我们认为我们可以环游世界杀人
Lex Fridman (00:12:15)
And it was an interesting introduction to the idea that there are people outside of that who are dominated by that who don’t care for it very much. And that’s what 9/11 was actually about. And for me, I was living in New York City, I was 18, I think when 9/11 happened, and that was the moment of my childhood. It was a huge thing to live through. I mean, we were attacked. This seemed like something that could only happen in a history book. That didn’t happen to America in the ’90s. 2001 was basically the ’90s, and it was just like, “Oh.” Finally, it clicked. It was like, “That makes sense.” It’s the first time I had ever heard an explanation and an understanding of this whole thing that we’re involved in now from 9/11 to the terror wars that actually just made perfect sense. War on Terror
这是对这个想法的一个有趣的介绍,即在这个世界之外,还有一些人被那些不太关心它的人所统治。这就是 9/11 的实际意义。对我来说,我住在纽约市,我 18 岁,我想当 9/11 发生时,那是我童年的时刻。这是一件需要经历的大事。我的意思是,我们遭到了袭击。这看起来像什么
Lex Fridman (00:13:04)
Yeah, we should also say that there’s some degree of truth that the battle is not just militaristic, it’s also cultural. And then many of those parts of the world don’t want other people’s values forced onto them.
是的,我们还应该说,在某种程度上,这场战斗不仅是军国主义的,也是文化的。世界上许多地方不希望别人的价值观强加给他们。
Dave Smith (00:13:21)
Right. But the way that George W. Bush and Dick Cheney and every right wing host in America, and Sean Hannity and Bill O’Reilly and everybody, what they were saying is that they hate that we are free, whereas it was much closer to saying they don’t like us imposing on them. Even like all the hardcore neocons, Brett Stevens, The New York Times, he wrote this piece on the 20th anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, so 2023 to cheer lead the war in Iraq. And he goes through the whole piece, and there’s not one mention of the million people who died in the war. He literally just goes, the piece is just, measure life under Saddam Hussein verse life, were under the Shiite parliamentary system that they have now. Which one’s better? And he’s arguing this one’s better, therefore it was worth it. But there’s no mention.
正确的。但是乔治·W·布什和迪克·切尼以及美国每一位右翼主持人,还有肖恩·汉尼蒂和比尔·奥莱利以及所有人,他们所说的是他们讨厌我们的自由,而更接近于说他们不喜欢我们强加于他们。即使像所有铁杆新保守派一样,《纽约时报》的布雷特·史蒂文斯 (Brett Stevens) 也在《纽约时报》成立 20 周年之际写了这篇文章。
Dave Smith (00:14:12)
It’s like, “Okay, but what about the 20 plus million people who were displaced? What about the million people who were killed? What about all the millions of people who were injured? What about the tens of thousands of our soldiers who have blown their brains out in the aftermath of the thing?” So many times it is true with government policy in general, people talk about the end result that they want, but you’re like, “Yeah, but what about the process by which you get there and how much hatred, could you…” It’s, not that hard for me to put myself in other people’s shoes, and I have two little kids and a wife, and if anybody were to ever try to argue to me that they have to be the eggs that get broken to make some bigger omelet. Like, “It is okay, we’re ultimately going to impose something on your society that’s better than what you have right there. It sure does suck that your wife and kids got to be the one who get taken out.”
就像是,“好吧,但是那20多百万流离失所的人呢?那100万被杀的人呢?那数百万受伤的人呢?那我们数以万计的士兵在事件发生后被炸得脑浆全开呢?”很多时候,政府政策的总体情况都是如此,人们谈论他们想要的最终结果
Dave Smith (00:15:03)
I mean, as I’m just saying this to myself, and this is not real. This is just a thought experiment I’m making up. I’m already pretty close to being a terrorist. My next thought is kind of like, “Well, okay, well, I hope you’re going to like it when you watch your family die in front of you.” Hopefully, even if that happened to me, I wouldn’t go kill that guy’s family. Maybe I’d just go after him or something. But I could understand, and I think most people who have kids could understand going to a level of the most evil dark place you could imagine if anyone ever threatened or actually did something to your kids.
Lex Fridman (00:15:43)
Yeah, we’ll have to remember the thing that’s difficult to measure that you just mentioned, which is the hate that’s created by every bomb that’s dropped.
Dave Smith (00:15:50)
It was a General McChrystal who was the general running the war in Afghanistan. He wasn’t Ron Paul, you know what I mean? He was a, “Sir, yes, sir. How do we fight and win this war general?” And he’s the one who coined the term insurgent math, that 10 minus two equals 20. It’s like the more you keep, I was re-reading about this the other day because of the Trump’s been bombing the Houthis in Yemen. And I think it was at least in 2009 is when Obama really stepped up the drone campaign with the then secret drone bombing campaign. And Yemen was one of the major theaters. And even back then when it really was just a… it was a war on terrorism. The main targets were always Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and their presence in Yemen, even then, so before the Saudis invaded.
Lex Fridman (00:16:47)
So from 2009 through 2015, AQAP just kept growing. It was doing all these targeted bombing campaigns, so they call them targeted. 96% of the people are innocent who get killed, but they call them targeted drone bombings. And Al-Qaeda and the Arabian Peninsula just kept getting bigger and bigger because every time you go in there, it’s like, okay, you took out one target and then you took out three little girls. And every one of those little girls had brothers and uncles and fathers, and all of them just signed up to join the fight now. Ron Paul was the first one who really made this click for me. But it’s in a way, and I’m not a leftist, I’m not an egalitarian, I’m not a cultural relativist. I’m not saying that all cultures are the same or that we all look at the world the same way.
Dave Smith (00:17:38)
There’s enormous differences between all of us, and I personally think some are better than others, but there are things that unite all of us. And in a weird way, I remember one time I was arguing with a Democrat guy on a S. E. Cupp show. I used to be a contributor on her show, and we were arguing, and it was after a terrorist attack here in New York, a fairly minor one. It was a guy, I think he hit someone with his car and then jumped out with a gun, and then the cops lit him up and killed him. This is back in 2017, I think, and he claimed to be ISIS inspired. I don’t remember if there was a direct connection or not, but at the time, they were like, “Doesn’t this mean we got to step up the war in Iraq or in Syria where ISIS’s stronghold is.”
Lex Fridman (00:18:23)
And I remember the guy saying to me, I went off on how these wars have been disaster and he goes, ” Yeah, but Dave, what you’re saying here is we’re supposed to do nothing. This just happened and now we’re supposed to do nothing.” And so even though this guy had a suit and tie on, and we’re in a cable news studio and we’re in a first world country, we’re in the United States of America and we’re having that. The basic thing that he’s saying is, “You’re saying, we’re not going to go kill some motherfuckers.” I mean, he was just putting it as do something. But what’s something? Something is dropping bombs on human beings when yes, some innocent people are going to die, but it’s the same thing. It’s the same after 9/11. We’re like, “We got to go fucking invade some countries right now.” That’s the same impulse.
Dave Smith (00:19:07)
It’s like they killed some of our people. You think we’re not going to show them who the real killers are. You think there’s a chance that you could come here? And that is the most human instinct ever. It’s like some other tribe just came in here and killed some people in our tribe. So what do you want to do about that? Well, I don’t know. It’s not going to take me too long to figure out we’re going to go kill a bunch of people in their tribe. And I think that’s the major motivating factor for both sides of the Israel-Palestine conflict. I think that’s the major motivator for both sides of the war on terror conflict. In a way, when you look at it like that, even though it’s so dark and tragic, there’s something almost beautiful about it where you’re like, “Oh, we’re all caught in this same cycle.”
Lex Fridman (00:19:51)
Yeah, it’s deeply human, the warring between tribes, but especially in the recent years. But more and more through human history, there’s almost like a third party, which is this military industrial complex, which is making money from the two tribes. So if you just have two tribes, one, I’ve been reading a lot about Genghis Khan, and this is why Genghis Khan banned this. It was very common in Mongolia before Genghis Khan to steal people’s wives, like, “You’re my wife now.” And he realized that that creates a lot of conflict.
Lex Fridman (00:20:25)
Yeah, it sure does.
Lex Fridman (00:20:27)
That seems natural and human, that kind of conflict. But whenever a third party rolls in and starts making money on the whole thing and then driving that forward, then the escalation of the conflict comes with this whole machine that makes de-escalation really difficult.
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